中共退休高官公开致信批评现行政策# Y2 t7 k) f- `; p7 }9 n( _! d
2007.07.16 ' O9 ]; g$ T* m) f5 F . f* z5 b8 ?' S8 B' x; [% H山西黑砖窑事件不仅让社会大众感到痛恨和痛心；而且也使某些中共已经退休的高干和老同志认为现行中共路线已经脱离所谓的“正轨”，如果不加以拨乱反正，就会发生他们所说的“亡党亡国”。下面是本台记者闻剑的采访报道。7 T C5 Y6 `# ]
2 r. M" @9 P: H5 m K以原国务院发展研究中心顾问马宾为首的十七位前中共部级退休高干，他们退而不休，借山西黑砖窑事件， 在中共十七大前向中共中央总书记、中央政治局各常委、各位委员和候补委员发出题为《关于对山西黑砖窑事件等问题的认识和关于十七大的建议》的公开信。公开信表示，如果十七大仍然坚持以往路线，他们眼中的“亡党亡国”将会发生。对此，旅居美国的中国问题专家方觉表示：' B4 n. V, o; @( t5 E' N! T
: ^! ]2 M- k* R3 K+ H: {: r) ]“这批正统派的共产党人提出的方案是无法解决中国目前的他们所痛恨的这些丑恶现象的，只有坚持民主化的方向，坚持改革开放才可能解决中国目前的困境。” . M2 A' l$ b$ l' n) L, F$ u2 m- i9 A2 `1 T
在方觉看来，这十七位在公开信上署名的退休高干代表着中共内部高层共产主义的正统思想，他们反对腐败，反对欺压劳工，反对贫富悬殊，反对环境污染；他们本身不是贪官污吏， 不是极左势力；他们开出的“药方”解决不了中国目前存在的问题，更解决不了中国民主改革问题。美国政论刊物《北京之春》主编胡平认为，公开信的作用将十分有限：“这些人在全国人大通过物权法的时候就表示过强烈的不满，而且认为这是最后的斗争，那时是牵涉到中国的法律，而山西黑煤窑事件还有所不同。” 5 ]4 M2 J; d, R 5 ^ Z2 z9 j/ K. F ]十七名退休高干在公开信中批评中共现行的改革就是变国有制为私有制，变社会主义为资本主义，山西黑砖窑事件，说明中国存在着许多与社会主义制度、共产主义思想完全背道而驰的黑暗现象。对此，胡平表示：, w- w( A8 |$ D1 h$ {) ^
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“现在由于中国这种片面的经济改革的路线之下出现了各种问题，使得各方面人士从不同角度，不管是从左的还是右的方面都相当的不满，而且这种不满越来越强烈。目前中国所继续坚持的那套从六四之后执行的那种方针和路线也越来越多地造成了各种问题。” ( g3 D* q# w# W* Z4 e , w" K3 u: |- y' \方觉也认为，这些写公开信的退休高干批评改革中存在的问题，希望纠正改革中的弊端是可以理解的。那么公开信的内容是否会在中共内部引起波澜，引起胡锦涛的共鸣？方觉对此表示 ：9 M+ Q" u; {/ e: v9 ?- [
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“实际上中国已经退休的这些对改革开放不满的高级干部据我所知是数以千计。这个数字不是很大，只有十七个人。从政治角度讲这封信不会引起政治性的波澜。但是就胡锦涛本人而言是有一部分共产主义正统思想的，他在某种程度上还是比较忠实毛泽东时代的正统化的路线的。我想这封信是和胡锦涛的正统思想吻合的，胡锦涛也不会非常反感这封信。” 4 |- B. W" j9 a) I6 u9 l: ~0 l5 x( W9 B' N# D: B
方觉认为，虽然具有正统共产主义思想的胡锦涛对公开信的内容不反感，但中共副省级以上称得上高干的在职官员不会在公开信中找到同感，因为他们是既得利益者，这些退休高干的 ”余光和余热“他们大都感觉不到。8 P. X, `1 A" j# W6 f+ W
+ L: U9 u. l7 fJuly 17, 2007 " ^6 P( Q9 P" s3 R3 W5 s & z% q' t- { {5 a' T( S " ^1 P' ]. u) y. |- a. S8 [ o* T4 V2 O9 Y3 ~ N! RA man, his placard reading “Help! Save My Mother,” is ushered from outside a Communist Party meeting in Shanghai. 3 s9 `9 G. z8 a+ ?6 X+ L9 |: {4 ~* m, R4 V
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Letter accuses China's party of driftThe 17 signatories, ex-officials and academics, say policies make a mockery of Marxism.3 B$ x: M, k; J$ Q3 @
# v) S! x+ J( g( D+ K( sBEIJING — A rare open letter signed by 17 former top officials and conservative Marxist scholars ahead of a key party meeting accuses China's top leaders of steering the country in the wrong direction, pandering to foreigners, betraying the workers' revolution and jeopardizing social stability. 2 m) A5 N, I {5 \7 v. A ; |6 C- E$ N: Y2 S: O! H0 D/ z"We're going down an evil road," says the letter on the website http://www.maoflag.net . "The whole country is at a most precarious time."3 B/ F/ N! k4 x' N9 I: `4 b
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The challenge is unusual because of the importance of its signatories and its timing before this fall's party congress, an event held every five years and a key date on the political calendar.1 z2 v3 }! Y1 z- T" M
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Most public dissent in China generally comes from the beleaguered ranks of human rights activists and minority religious groups seeking to reduce the Communist Party's power. By contrast, those who affixed their names to this document included former government ministers, a former ambassador to Russia, ex-army officers and academics from elite universities and think tanks. And their emphasis was on restoring party control of an economy that has moved rapidly toward capitalist practices in recent years. & ^7 H. N! k6 E. D ; s- f+ p, R" c2 E4 Q! `0 cThe letter provides an unusual public view of ideological differences within the party, which generally tries to present a unified front. 9 n7 I X8 w% R6 f' w- t . O/ _- p: B4 D8 h! l( O& L6 ^"This is probably the first time so many high-ranking people have spoken out like this," said He Husheng, a professor of party history at People's University. "The Central Committee is surely not happy at their behavior.": K( q# _0 ~# b9 N+ u5 ]2 l& H
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The policies advocated by those signing the letter include reversing a law passed this year that allows private ownership of property, abandoning rules that allow entrepreneurs to join the Communist Party, imposing sharp restrictions on foreign investment, putting an end to privatization of state assets and placing a renewed emphasis on Marxist campaigns and education. , U- t( K6 V: D; z6 X3 `# }! Q: n% Q% G$ W- w5 j& H0 t
The party's focus on economic liberalization has led to a dangerous mix of widespread corruption, unemployment, a growing wealth gap and potential social unrest, the letter's authors argue.5 o$ t) o5 h& O' S" g- ]- Z
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If China continues down this path, the letter says, the country will soon "have its own Boris Yeltsin" and "the demise of the party and country would loom."! k$ R8 v) o6 B3 U8 b0 G- S
6 T- q7 o J% QThe signatories can expect a call from propaganda officials "strongly suggesting" they delete their letter, said He, the party history professor. If they don't agree, it will be deleted for them, he added. % G& ]2 R9 I& m- U* g" ], I5 v. ?
Indeed, by Tuesday afternoon the website appeared to be blocked, with a "Service Unavailable" notice displayed on the otherwise blank page, a fate more often reserved for websites sponsored by human rights activists than party stalwarts. v& M' R5 {- p& ]6 I. V# m5 T/ S/ k2 j2 q$ {) @, c0 `
The seven-page letter appeared on the website late last week, about two weeks after a key speech by President Hu Jintao that appeared to be aimed at silencing critics within the party. The timing suggests that significant differences remain as party leaders try to unify their ranks behind Hu's policies, which have attempted to open up China's economy while maintaining control of the political system. & y% x; i7 @- T& c5 ?" I! j2 k: Z3 }5 n
"This shows that the disagreement within the party over reform is pretty big and perhaps getting bigger," said Wang Yukai, a professor at the National School of Administration in Beijing. "This kind of open letter will put quite some pressure on our leaders and only have negative effects on proper decisions."+ e4 p3 C- n1 O- ?7 Y5 m
* ]: B$ K* A4 p4 yThe letter, addressed to Hu and the party's Central Committee, targets in particular capitalists and foreigners who have flourished under policies that the signatories say have eroded socialism, equality and fairness.9 u2 M/ j8 d) a+ l: O q
4 P: e+ F8 [: b" _4 t"Party secretaries have become capitalists, and capitalists have joined the party," the letter says. "Foreign corporations are plundering domestic markets and crushing our national economy." The signatories also urged competitive internal elections for central party members and the party secretary, a sign of the group's displeasure with Hu's leadership. 2 t& I' g# c- h. a" P+ c7 _3 v; c; i- E7 e& j6 t
The views expressed in the letter speak to a constituency that has seen its power diminish under China's ferocious economic growth, rapid social change and growing diversity. The China Daily reported Tuesday that almost 3 million of the party's 72.4 million members now work in private business, up from almost none a few years ago.1 g7 V# h" F R1 M
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In addition to facing dissent from conservatives over economic changes, Hu has come under fire from liberals who have pushed for a more open political system. Those views were aired in a cover story in the latest issue of the liberal journal Yanhuang Chunqiu, which roughly translates as History of the Chinese People. It argued that though China has reformed economically, it continues to drag its heels on important political reforms outlined by paramount leader Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s. These include reducing the excessive power of the party and ending its overarching grip on the government. 0 L6 y. A* Z I- |! r$ |+ h) r4 X: d$ D
Some analysts denied that such articles were indications of ideological differences in party ranks, arguing instead that the diversity of opinion underscored changes afoot in China./ k6 G8 h2 @- `- b- |' d) Z) ?
/ t5 Q3 c4 M$ z"This is not significant at all," said Liu Zhiguang, a professor at Peking University's School of Marxism and Leninism. "This shows that different opinions can coexist, or maybe that our leaders are just becoming smarter."# k+ c+ \% A) I+ ^
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Officially, China has no lobbyists, nor does its monopoly political party consider lightly any outsiders who attempt to influence its decisions. The Chinese Communist Party has traditionally handed down policies fully formed, in keeping with its preferred image as an all-knowing, unified, paternalistic organization. 4 o: s3 D. r) T, l! D1 e+ w# ?/ A/ }4 e" D0 A3 {
As China has become a more diverse society, and the Internet has made censorship harder, however, the leadership has been forced increasingly to contend with, respond to and adapt to public opinion. ! c3 Q$ ~$ R* O/ K+ T3 _ \1 J 9 ]# {) H' } W7 ?$ } S( qExperts said the 17 signatories had sought to influence top leaders through internal party channels, but they were rebuffed and, in frustration, decided to go public. ( Q9 z; j; f6 T' j 5 u+ O+ W7 ^( l( r2 d7 FThe letter by itself is unlikely to alter party ideology, which if anything has become more rigid in recent years as a bulwark against unsettling social change, they said. But it could intensify divisions. ; F' L8 e" n2 }( x' z n# d$ B/ z( O! c4 [
"These guys want to turn back the clock, but that's impossible," said Wang of the National School of Administration.% M' o& f8 Z* o1 K; G' J
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"I wouldn't say they're bad people. But we must move forward. Such outdated opinions are a leftist tumor."9 j$ H8 U9 `: i b5 c& q% d6 J
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