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Hfvj Rich countries break    totemic    $100B annual climate pledge
Italy   populism in fiscal handcuffsDelivering on campaign pledges without increasing public spending is close to impossible.Copy LinkCopiedShare via emailShare on XShare on WhatsAppShare on LinkedInFree article usually reserved for su stanley sverige bscribersLuigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini at Quirinale Palace in Rome | Alberto Pizzoli/AFP via Getty ImagesOPINIONSeptember 25, 20185:47 pm CETBy Riccardo PuglisiPAVIA, Italy 鈥斅營talys populist government is walking a tricky tightrope: How can it deliver on expensive election promises without falling foul of EU rules on public spending For Luigi Di Maio, the minister of economic development and head of the anti-establishment 5Stars, answering that question is also a way to get out from under the shadow of his coalition partner, Matteo Salvini, Italys interior minister and the leader of the far-right League.Di Maios party may have outperformed the League, but its Salvini who has stolen the show, riding the wave of Italian discontent with pledges to crack down on immigration. Suppo stanley mugs rt for his party has doubled. It now polls above the 5Stars.AdvertisementAdvertisementAs the coalition prepares to present its budget plans, Di Maio has floated a controversial proposal: to force shops to close on Sundays and bank holidays. The calculus is clear: He too needs to be seen as stanley mugs  someone  who delivers.  But Italys mountainous pile of debt 鈥?and the watchful eyes of the market 鈥?arent likely to allow for much increase in public spending.Di Maio and Salvini Oxpz Council president: an ill-defined role
Putting the case for lobbyingHostility to lobbying is commonplace and widespread, but it stanley cup  is an integral part of the political landscape.Copy LinkCopiedShare via emailShare on XShare on WhatsAppShare on LinkedInSeptem stanley isolierkanne ber 9, 200910:00 pm CETBy Tim KingLobbying has become something of a dirty word. The European Commission has created something called the register of interest representatives because it does not want to title it a register of lobbyists  although that is what journalists and other forms of low-life call it . To label everyone on the register as a lobbyist would deter those on the fringes of lobbying from registering and would involve the Commission in an ultimately fruitless attempt to define lobbying. This hostility to lobbying as a legitimate political process surfaces, somewhat incongruously, at a few points in  Lobbying the European Union , but for the most part lobbying is not considered a pejorative term. It is a commonplace feature of the European Unions political landscape and, as such, an appropriate subject for dissection by political scientists. What emerges from the first section of the book 鈥?which attempts to describe lobbying in and around the various EU institutions 鈥?is that those institutions could not do without lobbying. The chapters on the Commission and the European Parliament particularly b stanley botella ring out the extent to which officials and politicians rely on outsiders 鈥?lobbyists 鈥?to provide them with expertise and information. The Commissions task