[中国新闻] 中国将成真正领导者　需要世界尊重

美国《新闻周刊》最新一期载文《中国现在需要的是世界的尊重》，摘要如下： + V3 G* o: C1 V# t& G8 Z6 B' t
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　　多年以来，中国一直在寻找新的商业伙伴，同时努力避免有争议的话题。北京一直以来都严格遵守19世纪的主权观念，幷奉行互不干涉原则。 4 w% Q7 w6 c4 M# z

　　这种模式看起来似乎对商业有益，中国同非洲的贸易额已经从2000年的106亿美元攀升至去年的400亿美元（美国同非洲的贸易额现约为606亿美元）。但是，北京可能将很快调整现在的态度。伴随其更多地融入复杂的全球市场和政治舞台，中国可能将开始改变对于绝对主权的态度。

　　导致这个转变发生的关键是“尊重”，中国渴望尊重胜于其他任何东西。现代世界的尊重不再是简单地来自国际援助或国际贸易，同时还源自外界对于一个国家牺牲自己的某些主权特权来换取全球公民利益的意愿的评价。中国正在摆脱对于主权观念的严格遵守，转而追求国际主义。 * G7 a: r+ o8 z. b: a. Z6 w

　　中国在朝鲜宣布进行核试验之后的表现便是一个例子。北京很快对核试验进行了谴责。这表明，中国可能已经意识到，保护自己的国家利益有时需要违反“尊重他国主权”的政策。
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　　同样，中国在中东地区也开始扮演积极角色，帮助阿拉伯世界和以色列通过谈判改善关系。这也说明，中国希望重新定义自己的外交方式。接下来就是非洲。中国已经通过常驻联合国代表王光亚同苏丹驻联合国代表就达尔富尔问题进行了商谈。 rs238848.rs.hosteurope.de4 v  T: f. R8 S( S! V$ t

　　以上所有这些幷不代表一个激进的中国新政策的产生。但是，它们确实是鼓舞人心的征兆：中国在国际舞台上的表现越来越自信、成熟、负责任。世界将从那些不仅维护自己国家的个体利益，同时也愿意、幷有能力带领一些国家迎接世界挑战的大国那里获益。现在，北京可能还不是这样一个大国。但是，伴随其力量和财富的增长，中国定将扮演这样一个角色，在多年以来第一次成为一个真正的领导者。) A7 f- _; B' S9 v& A4 J  h5 X

What China Needs Now is the World’s Respect
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As an increasingly powerful China involves itself with the world, its devotion to absolute sovereignty is starting to evolve.

In many respects Hu Jintao's recent dash through africa—he traveled to eight countries in over a week, signing trade deals, forgiving debt, extending loans and securing rights to natural resources—looked like business as usual for Beijing. For years, China has courted new business partners and tried to gain access to oil and other raw materials around the world while scrupulously avoiding controversial issues such as human rights and good governance. Beijing has long stuck to a strict, 19th-century view of sovereignty, which holds that whatever a government does at home is no one else's business. Its mantra has been reciprocal "noninterference." "We never impose on other countries our values ... and we do not accept other countries imposing their values on us," declared Deputy Foreign Minister Zhai Jun last November.

This model has seemed good for business—Chinese trade with Africa skyrocketed from $10.6 billion in 2000 to $40 billion last year (for perspective, U.S.-Africa trade is now about $60.6 billion). The don't-ask, don't-tell approach held special appeal for regimes of dubious character. Sudan's strongman, Omar al-Bashir, must have been cheered by Hu's stop in Khartoum on February 2, when he gave the dictator a $13 million interest-free loan for a new palace and forgave a $70 million debt. Hu also called on other nations "to respect the sovereignty of Sudan"—the genocide in Darfur notwithstanding.

But China's unsavory partners should take note: Beijing may soon start phasing out such rhetoric. As an increasingly powerful China involves itself more and more with the complex global marketplace and political scene, the ground is shifting under its feet, and China's dedication to absolute sovereignty may be starting to evolve.
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The key to this change is respect: the one commodity Beijing seems to crave more than any other. Respect in the modern world does not come simply from international aid or trade. It also stems from an assessment of a nation's willingness to yield certain sovereign prerogatives in the interests of becoming a better global citizen.

During the heyday of Mao Zedong's fevered collectivization of Chinese agriculture in the 1950s, the Great Leader once said that he thought he could see the first tender "green shoots" of communism emerging. Today the "green shoots" of a very different evolution are starting to sprout. China is slowly shedding its strict interpretation of sovereignty for a new, more involved brand of internationalism.* C3 w" _+ Y( B" T

Consider, for example, China's behavior after North Korea tested a nuclear weapon last October. Beijing quickly condemned the test and called for "punitive efforts" against Pyongyang: a sign China may have recognized that protecting its national interests sometimes requires what appear to be infringements on its own, or someone else's, sovereignty.2 c- x) m: T; |2 v1 f
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In the Middle East, too, China has started to play an increasingly active role in helping ameliorate the Arab-Israeli conflict through negotiation, suggesting that it is willing to redefine, albeit very cautiously, the way it thinks of diplomacy.7 ]' ]5 c& B" b& h

And then there's Africa. Despite Hu's unhelpful comments in Khartoum about the need to respect Sudan's sovereignty, events there are slowly nudging it toward a new approach. Some African leaders, including South Africa's Thabo Mbeki, have begun warning China against becoming a new "colonizer." These statements, and the fact that some African governments have finally joined the West in calling for action on Darfur, have sent a clear signal to Beijing that its old tactics may no longer work there. China has already taken note, and not only obligingly abstained in August on a vote at the U.N. on a measure that called for a new joint U.N.-African Union peacekeeping force to replace the weak and ineffective AU force in Darfur, but through its U.N. ambassador, Wang Guangya, helped negotiate Sudanese acquiescence. And on Hu's trip to Khartoum, after warning other countries to stay out, he hastened to remind al-Bashir that, "Darfur is a part of Sudan, and you have to resolve this problem."

Taken together, these measures do not yet suggest a radical new Chinese policy. But they do represent encouraging signs of increasing confidence, maturity and a sense of responsibility in China's deportment on the international stage. The world would benefit from having a few "great" nations (besides the one superpower) capable of and interested in not simply defending their own narrow self-interests, but constructively leading groups of nations in solving some of the world's many daunting challenges. Beijing may not be there yet. But as it grows in power and wealth, China could and should come to play such a role—becoming a true leader for the first time in many years.( g' I5 n: U( v  `( Q. ~5 G

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2006年中非合作论坛北京峰会上，胡锦涛与埃及总统穆巴拉克握手。在本次峰会中，中国邀请到非洲48国的国家元首和政府人士，展示了惊人的外交影响力。

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